does not recognize any castes, but, when it came to Persia and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as Siyasatnama of Nizam al-Mulk, Akhlaq-i Nasiri of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, and Jam-i-Mufidi. The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th centuryMuslim conquests on the Indian subcontinent were already divided into social classes such as priests, nobles and others. Further, a racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from those of foreign origin. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors, and categorized themselves as Ashraf. Over time, the Indian Muslim society also split on the basis of the existing Hindu caste system. According to M. N. Srinivas and R.K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region. On the other hand, Louis Dumont believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment." Ziauddin Barani, a 14th century political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" be given a higher social status than the low-born. His most significant contribution in the fatwa was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over Sharia law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act which is "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominity, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers that was primarily based on their caste.
History of research
There are various definitions of the term "caste", and therefore, various opinions on whether this term can be used to denote social stratification among non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari uses the term "caste" to describe the Muslim social groups with following characteristics:
in some cases, association of an occupation with the social group
Beginning in the 19th century, the British scholars of India first catalogued the various Muslim castes:
Henry Miers Elliot's Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms, later amplied into Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India
John Charles Williams's The Report on the Census of Oudh
Denzil Ibbetson's Census Report of Punjab, later adapted into Panjab Castes
William Crooke's The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh
Nelson's book, in particular, included a whole chapter dedicated to the Muslim castes. In the 20th century British India, a number of works included the Muslim social groups in their descriptions of the Indian castes. These included H. A. Rose's A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province. In independent India, Ghaus Ansari initiated academic discussion over the Muslim caste system. Subsequently, Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated the topic in his Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims.
Divisions
Ghaus Ansari named the following four broad categories of Muslim social divisions in India:
The non-Ashrafs are categorized as Ajlaf. The untouchable Hindu converts are also categorized as Arzal. They are relegated to menial professions such as scavenging and carrying night soil. B.R. Ambedkar, citing the Superintendent of the Census for 1901 for the Province of Bengal, mentions that the Ajlaf primarily include:
Cultivating Sheikhs, and others who were originally Hindus but who do not belong to any functional group, and have not gained admittance to the Ashraf Community, e.g. Pirali and Thakrai.
For the Arzal, the following castes are mentioned by the Superintendent of the Census: Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugta, Mehtar. In Pakistan, various social groups display a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The various quoms differ widely in power, privilege and wealth. Both ethnic affiliation and membership of specific biraderis or zaat/quoms are additional integral components of social identity. Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close consanguineous unions are preferred due to a congruence of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott adds that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan. In Nepal, the castes of Muslims rank differs according to the criteria applied.
Discrimination
Over the centuries, like other South Asian societies, the Muslim society in the region has evolved into the concept of caste purity and pollution. Hence, the low-class Muslims in the region have faced other kinds of discrimination. In 20th century India, the upper-class Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include lower social classes among the groups eligible for affirmative action in India under SC and STs provision act. In Bihar state of India, cases have been reported in which the higher caste Muslims have opposed the burials of lower caste Muslims in the same graveyard. A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in the Muslim community of the village. The sweeper group is ranked the lowest. The other Muslim communities do not allow the sweepers to touch the cooking vessels of the upper ranking groups of Muslims.
