The Haseki Sultan waqf complex was constructed at the height of the Ottoman era. In addition to the soup kitchen, the complex consisted of a mosque, a 55-room pilgrim hospice, and an inn for travellers. With the consent of her husband, Haseki Hürrem Sultan used the revenues from various assets to build and maintain it. These assets included land in Palestine and Tripoli, as well as shops, public bath houses, soap factories, and flourmills. When villages were endowed, the percentage of their revenues formerly paid in taxes was redirected to the waqf. The villages whose revenues paid for Haseki Sultan Imaret were Bait Dajan, Yazur, Kafr Ana, Ludd, Anaba, and Jib, among others. The Haseki Sultan Imaret not only fulfilled the religious requirement to give charity, but reinforced the social order and helped the Ottoman Empire project a political image of power and generosity.
Religious significance
Charity is an important component in Islam. In order to secure a place in paradise after death, one must assist those who cannot help themselves. There are two categories of charity in Qur'anic injunctions: Zakat, an obligatory alms tax for Muslims who obtained a certain level of wealth; and Sadaqah, voluntary donations that are highly recommended. One of the most popular forms of Sadaqa was waqfs, or endowments. Waqfs were founded by wealthy individuals, especially members of the imperial family, who donated their properties to permanently benefit a variety of charitable institutions. Public soup kitchens, therefore, were waqfs that provided basic nutritional sustenance for people in need. In the case of Haseki Sultan Imaret, Hurrem Sultan built a soup kitchen in Jerusalem because it was a holy city, along with Hebron, Mecca and Medina. She wanted to ensure that each of the holy cities had an institution to feed the hungry.
Social implications
Like other imarets throughout the Ottoman Empire, the Haseki Sultan Imaret was a tool for maintaining social order. The administrators, employees and beneficiaries of the imaret represented the social hierarchy of the community. The administrators were often members of the local noble families, and had the power to recruit friends, relatives and free slaves as employees of the imaret. Social status determined the order and amount of food distribution. During the meal, employees were the first to receive a ladle of soup and two loaves of bread, followed by the guests, who received one ladle and one loaf, and then the poor, who received the smallest amount of food. There was also a hierarchy among the poor: the learned poor ate first, followed by the men, and finally the women and children. If the food ran out, the women and children remained unfed. Consequently, the imaret not only revealed the social hierarchy of Jerusalem, but was an effective method of keeping people in line.
Political implications
There were strong political motives for building a soup kitchen in Jerusalem. It was "an integral component of the Ottoman project of settlement, colonization, legitimization and urban development." The Haseki Sultan Imaret demonstrated the far-reaching strength and power of the Ottoman Empire and was also an effective means of controlling its subjects in Jerusalem. By granting the administrator position to the most important families of Jerusalem, the Sultan used the extensive influences and connections of the nobles to strengthen their rule in the local population. Nevertheless, dependence on nobles to maximize political control also had a detrimental effect on the maintenance of the imaret.
Corruption
The imaret was more than "just another poor-relief institution, but also a special fund used for granting benefits to certain favourite people." Administrators manipulated the criteria for becoming a beneficiary to favour their friends and relatives, or to gain favour from others. Additionally, the rights to being a beneficiary were transferable, further compounding the problem of excessive beneficiaries. Eventually, the imaret supported even the richest families in Jerusalem. Moreover, these powerful beneficiaries used their status to exploit the financial and material resources of the institution. For instance, a legal document in 1782 mentioned that a mercenary army commander was entitled to 48 loaves of bread from the imaret daily. By the 18th century, the corruption was so widespread that the imaret was no longer economically viable. Attempts to reduce food distributions and beneficiaries were met with fierce opposition. Throughout the rest of its rule, the Ottoman Empire struggled to "find the delicate balance between the need to cut down and restrict the number of the waqf’s beneficiaries, and the wish to collect the maximum political gain by granting benefits to the greatest possible number of people." Despite these problems, the Haseki Sultan Imaret continued to function, although not always to the benefit of the intended beneficiaries, "the poor and wretched, weak and needy."
