Politics of Equatorial Guinea


The politics of Equatorial Guinea take place in a framework of a presidential republic, whereby the President is both the head of state and head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the Chamber of People's Representatives

Political conditions

A great deal of political party activity ensued when Equatorial Guinea attained autonomy from Spain in 1963. Bubi and Fernandino parties on the island preferred separation from Río Muni or a loose federation. Ethnically-based parties in Río Muni favored independence for a united country comprising Bioko and Río Muni, an approach that was adopted. The Movement for the Self-Determination of Bioko Island, which advocates independence for the island under Bubi control, is one of the offshoots of the era immediately preceding independence.
Equatorial Guinea became independent from Spain on October 12, 1968. Since then, the country has had two presidents: Francisco Macías Nguema, who had been the mayor of Mongomo under the Spanish colonial government, and Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo Macías's nephew, who has ruled since 1979, when he staged a military coup d'état and executed his uncle. When Macías came to power, political activity largely ceased. Opposition figures among the exile communities in Spain and elsewhere agitated for reforms; some of them had been employed in the Macías and Obiang governments. After political activities in Equatorial Guinea were legalized in the early 1990s, some opposition leaders returned to test the waters, but repressive actions have continued sporadically.
The 1982 Constitution gives Obiang extensive powers, including the right to name, and dismiss, members of the cabinet. The 1982 constitution also give him the power to make laws by decree, dissolve the Chamber of Representatives, negotiate and ratify international treaties, and calling legislative elections. Obiang retained his role as commander-in-chief of the armed forces and minister of defense when he became president and he maintains close supervision of military activity. The Prime Minister is appointed by the President and operates under powers designated by the president. The prime minister coordinates government activities in areas other than foreign affairs, national defense and security.
With the prodding of the United Nations, the United States, Spain, and other donor countries, the government undertook an electoral census in 1995 and held freely contested municipal elections, the country's first, in September. Most observers agree that these elections were relatively free and transparent and also that the opposition parties garnered between 2/3 and 3/4 of the total vote. The government delayed announcing the results, then claimed a highly dubious overall 52% victory, and capture of 19 of the 27 municipal councils. The council of Malabo, the capital, went to the opposition however. In early January 1996 Obiang called presidential elections, to be held in six weeks. The campaign was marred by allegations of fraud, and most of the other candidates withdrew in the final week. Obiang claimed re-election with 98% of the vote. International observers agreed the election was neither free nor fair. In an attempt to molify his critics, Obiang announced a new cabinet, giving minor portfolios to some people identified by the government as opposition figures.
Since President Obiang has been constrained only by a need to maintain a consensus among his advisers and political supporters in the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea, most of whom are drawn from the Nguema family in Mongomo,
part of the Esangu subclan of the Fang in the eastern part of Río Muni. Alleged coup attempts in 1981 and 1983 raised little sympathy among the populace.
Under Obiang, schools reopened and primary education expanded, public utilities and roads were restored, a favorable contrast with Macías' tyranny and terror, but his administration has been criticized for not implementing genuine democratic reforms. Corruption and a dysfunctional judicial system disrupt development of Equatorial Guinea's economy and society. In March 2001 the President appointed a new Prime Minister, Cándido Muatetema Rivas, and replaced several ministers perceived to be especially corrupt. However, the government budget still does not include all revenues and expenditures. The United Nations Development Programme has proposed a broad governance reform program, but the Equatorial Guinean Government has not moved very rapidly to implement it.
Although Equatorial Guinea lacks a well-established democratic tradition comparable to the developed democracies of the West, it has progressed toward developing a participatory political system out of the anarchic, chaotic, and repressive conditions of the Macías years. In power since 1979, the Obiang government has made little progress in stimulating the economy. Extremely serious health and sanitary conditions persist, and the educational system remains in desperate condition. Although the abuses and atrocities that characterized the Macías years have been eliminated, effective rule of law does not exist. Religious freedom is tolerated.
On December 15, 2002, Equatorial Guinea's four main opposition parties withdrew from the country's presidential election. Obiang won an election widely considered fraudulent by members of the western press.
According to a March 2004 BBC profile, politics within the country are currently dominated by tensions between Obiang's son Teodoro, and other close relatives with powerful positions in the security forces. The tension may be rooted in a power shift arising from the dramatic increase since 1997 in oil production.
A November 2004 report named Mark Thatcher as a financial backer of a March 2004 attempt to topple Obiang organized by Simon Mann. Various accounts also name the UK's MI6, the US Central Intelligence Agency, and Spain as having been tacit supporters of the coup attempt. Nevertheless, an Amnesty International report on the ensuing trial highlights the government's failure to demonstrate in court that the alleged coup attempt had ever actually taken place.

Executive branch

Legislative branch

The Chamber of People's Representatives has 100 members, elected for a five-year term by proportional representation in multi-member constituencies. Equatorial Guinea is a dominant-party state. This means that only one political party, the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea, is in fact allowed to hold effective power. Although minor parties are allowed, they are required to accept the de facto leadership of the ruling party. The Convergence for Social Democracy is the only true opposition party to operate legally in the county, which holds only a single seat in each house of parliament.

Political parties and elections

Presidential elections

Parliamentary elections

Chamber of Deputies

Senate

Judicial branch

The judicial system follows similar administrative levels. At the top are the President and his judicial advisors. In descending rank are the appeals courts, chief judges for the divisions, and local magistrates. Tribal laws and customs are honored in the formal court system when not in conflict with national law. The court system, which often uses customary law, is a combination of traditional, civil, and military justice, and it operates in an ad hoc manner for lack of established procedures and experienced judicial personnel.
As for the legal profession, the Equatorial Guinea Bar Association was dissolved by the government in 2002. Although a new bar association was created in 2003, a report issued the same year claimed that " there are few independent lawyers and judges" unless they are "a member of the ruling party." It was reported in 2014 that the association does not have an official headquarters.

Administrative divisions

Equatorial Guinea is divided in seven provinces ; Annobon, Bioko Norte, Bioko Sur, Centro Sur, Kie-Ntem, Litoral, Wele-Nzas.
The President appoints the governors of the seven provinces. Each province is divided administratively into districts and municipalities. The internal administrative system falls under the Ministry of Territorial Administration; several other ministries are represented at the provincial and district levels.

Membership in international organizations