In contrast, the “bad science” model claims that primitive man is rational, and magical beliefs come into existence as he tries to explain puzzling phenomena without enough information. According to this theory, the magician is an early form of scientist who merely lacks adequate data. In Edward Burnett Tylor’s version of this theory, the magician’s folly is in mistaking an ideal connection for a real one; the magician believes that thematically-linked items can influence one another by virtue of their similarity. For example, the Azande rub crocodile teeth on banana plants to make them fruitful. The property offertility can spread from a symbol of fertility to the intended target. Michael F. Brown observes that many Aguaruna taboos can be understood as preventing undesired connections.
Symbolic action
The symbolic action theory understands magic as a course of action taken when there exists an emotional need for action, but no practical option exists. In R.R. Marett’s example, it is a magical action when a man, betrayed by his mistress, gathers photographs of her and burns them. This interpretation presents a modern analog of the voodoo doll. As Marett describes, if the emotional situation proves common enough, the response becomes a socially-codified norm which outsiders understand as magic and which Marett labels “developed magic”. Claude Lévi-Strauss and Ariel Glucklich expand upon symbolic theory, positing that magic can serve as a form of psychotherapy or New Age science, accomplishing real results by what amounts to the placebo effect. The effects of such magic would be made real through its effect on the individual person as demonstrated in their life and actions.
Anxiety relief
According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger and little to do about it. Magic is used to restore a sense of control. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control. It is proposed that one reason for the persistence of magic rituals is that the ritual activates vigilance-precaution systems – that is to say, that the rituals prompt their own use by creating a feeling of insecurity and then proposing themselves as precautions. Pascal Boyer and Pierre Liénard propose that the shape rituals take results from goal demotion and attentional focus on lower level representation. Levels of representation were previously described by J.M. Zacks and Barbara Tversky. At the lowest level are simple gestures. At the mid-level are behavioral episodes. At the highest level are scripts. Ordinarily, people describe and recall behavior in terms of the middle level of behavioral episodes. In studies of obsessive-compulsive rituals, focus shifts to the lower level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act. Debate remains as to whether studies of obsessive-compulsive rituals can be extended to describe other kinds of rituals.
