Older Southern American English
Older Southern American English was a set of American English dialects of the Southern United States, primarily spoken by white Southerners up until the American Civil War, moving toward a state of decline by the turn of the twentieth century, further accelerated after World War II and again, finally, by the Civil Rights Movement. These dialects have since largely given way, on a larger regional level, to a more unified and younger Southern American English, recognized today by a unique vowel shift and certain other vocabulary and accent characteristics. Some features unique to older Southern U.S. English persist today, like non-rhoticity, though typically in only very localized dialects or speakers.
History
This group of American English dialects evolved over a period of several hundred years, primarily from older varieties of British English spoken by those who initially settled the area. Given that language is an entity that is constantly changing, the English of the colonists was quite different from any variety of English spoken today. The colonists who initially settled the Tidewater area spoke a variety of Early Modern English, which itself was varied. The older Southern dialects thus originated in varying degrees from a mix of the speech of immigrants from the British Isles, who moved to the South in the 17th and 18th centuries, and perhaps also creole or post-creole speech of African slaves.One theory of historian David Hackett Fischer's book Albion's Seed is that indentured servants from Southern England settled in and therefore influenced the Tidewater dialect in Virginia, while poor Northern English and Northern Irish families did the same for the early dialect of the Southern backcountry; however, linguists have disputed that such migration patterns specifically influenced the American South's dialect development, with a dialect-mixture model being more widely accepted. For example, an Appalachian Journal linguistic article reveals the flawed premises and misrepresentation of sources in Albion's Seed, asserting that a singular influence on Southern backcountry speech is based in no conclusive body of evidence.
Atlantic Coast
The earliest English settlers of the colonies of Virginia and Massachusetts were mainly people from Southern England. The Boston, Massachusetts; Norfolk, Virginia; and Charleston, South Carolina areas maintained strong commercial and cultural ties to England. Thus, the colonists and their descendants defined "social class" according to England's connotations. As the upper-class English dialect changed, the dialects of the upper-class Americans in these areas changed. Two examples are the "r-dropping" of the late 18th and early 19th century, resulting in the similar r-dropping found in Boston and parts of Virginia during the cultural "Old South", as well as the trap–bath split, which came to define these same two areas but virtually no other region of the United States.It is difficult to account for all variants of the local accent, which have largely been supplanted by newer Southern features.
Decline
The growth of timber, coal, railroad, steel, textile, and tobacco mill industries throughout the South after the Civil War, along with the whole country's resulting migration changes, may have contributed to the expansion of a more unified Southern accent, which gradually ousted nineteenth-century Southern accents. Before World War II, the demographic tendency of the South was out-migration, but after the war, a counter-tendency emerged. Now, a high in-migration of Northerners, especially toward urban areas of the South, may have been another motivation for the abandonment of older Southern accent features. Finally, the Civil Right Movement seems to have led white and black Southerners alike to resist accent features associated with the other racial group and even develop newly distinguishing features, which may explain the sudden adoption of rhoticity among most white Southerners since the middle of the twentieth century onwards.Phonology
General Older South
The phonologies of early Southern English in the United States were diverse. The following pronunciation features were very generally characteristic of the older Southern region as a whole:Old Southern phoneme | Example words | |
bride, prize, tie | ||
bright, price, tyke | ||
cat, trap, yak | ||
æ tensing| | hand, man, slam | |
trap-bath split| | bath, can't, pass | |
mouth, ow, sound | ||
or | father, laager, palm | |
or | ark, heart, start | |
bother, lot, wasp | ||
or | face, rein, play | |
dress, egg, head | ||
or or | nurse, search, worm | |
fleece, me, neat | ||
kit, mid, pick | ||
happy, money, sari | ||
or | goat, no, throw | |
thought, vault, yawn | ||
cloth, lost, off | ||
or | choice, joy, loin | |
or | strut, tough, won |
- Lack of Yod-dropping: Pairs like do and due, or toon and tune, were often distinct in these dialects because words like due, lute, new, etc. historically contained a diphthong similar to ., but Labov et al. report that the only Southern speakers who make a distinction today use a diphthong in such words. They further report that speakers with the distinction are found primarily in North Carolina and northwest South Carolina, and in a corridor extending from Jackson to Tallahassee. For most of the South, this feature began disappearing after World War II.
- *Yod-coalescence: Words like dew were pronounced as "Jew", and Tuesday as "choose day."
- Wine–whine distinction: distinction between "w" and "wh" in words like "wine" and "whine", "witch and "which", etc.
- Horse–hoarse distinction: distinction between pairs of words like "horse" and "hoarse", "for" and "four", etc.
- Rhoticity and non-rhoticity: The pronunciation of the r sound only before or between vowels, but not after vowels, is known as non-rhoticity and was historically associated with the major plantation regions of the South: specifically, the entire Piedmont and most of the South's Atlantic Coast in a band going west towards the Mississippi River, as well as all of the Mississippi Embayment and some of the western Gulf Coastal Plain. This was presumably influenced by the non-rhotic East Anglia and London England pronunciation. Additionally, some older Southern dialects were even "variably non-rhotic in intra-word intervocalic contexts, as in carry ." Rhotic accents of the older Southern dialects, which fully pronounce all historical r sounds, were somewhat rarer and primarily spoken in Appalachia, the eastern Gulf Coastal Plain, and the areas west of the Mississippi Embayment.
- Palatalization of /k/ and /g/ before /ɑr/: Especially in the older South along the Atlantic Coast, the consonants and , when before the sound , were often pronounced with the tongue fronted towards the hard palate. Thus, for example, garden in older Southern was something like "gyahden" and "cart" like "kyaht". This pronunciation feature was in decline by the late 1800s.
- Lack or near-lack of glide weakening: The gliding vowel in words like prize commonly has a "weakened" glide today in the South; however, this only became a documented feature since the last quarter of the 1800s and was otherwise absent or inconsistent in earlier Southern dialects. Today, the lack of glide weakening persists in the High Tider and updated Lowcountry accents. Full weakening has become a defining feature only of the modern Southern dialects, particularly the most advanced sub-varieties.
- Mary–marry–merry distinction: Unlike most of the U.S. and modern Southern, older Southern did not merge the following three vowels before /r/: , , and . Although the three are now merging or merged in modern Southern English, the "marry" class of words remains the least likely among modern Southerners to merge with the other two.
- Clear /l/ between front vowels: Unlike modern Southern and General American English's universally "dark" /l/ sound, older Southern pronunciation had a "clear" /l/ sound whenever /l/ appears between front vowels, as in the words silly, mealy, Nellie, etc.
- Was, what and of pronounced with : The stressed word what, for example, rhymed with cot.
- No happy-tensing: The final vowel of words like happy, silly, monkey, parties, etc. were not tensed as they are in newer Southern and other U.S. dialects, meaning that this vowel sounded more like the of fit than the of feet.
- , as in goat, toe, robe, etc., kept a back starting place ; this became an opener in the early 1900s. The modern fronted form of the Atlantic South started as far back as the 1800s in northeastern North Carolina, in the form, but only spread slowly, until accelerating after World War II.
- pronounced as ; this feature was reported earliest in Virginia.
Plantation South
- Non-rhoticity: R-dropping historically occurred in the greater central sections of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, and in coastal Texas and some other coastal communities of the Gulf states. Rhoticity was more likely in the southernmost sections of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, as well as in northern Florida, western Louisiana, and eastern Texas.
- Trap–bath split: Words like bath, dance, and ask, used a different vowel than words like trap, cat, and rag. A similarly-organized split occurs in Standard British English.
- , as in face, was inconsistently pronounced.
- , as in goat, was inconsistently pronounced.
- , as in strut, was conservative.
- , as in choice, was.
- , as in nurse, was predominantly up-gliding, non-rhotic in the "Deep South".
Appalachia
The Southern Appalachian dialect can be heard, as its name implies, in north Georgia, north Alabama, east Tennessee, northwestern South Carolina, western North Carolina, eastern Kentucky, southwestern Virginia, western Maryland, and West Virginia. Southern Appalachian speech patterns, however, are not entirely confined to the mountain regions previously listed.
The dialect here is often thought to be a window into the past, with various claims being made that it is either a pocket of Elizabethan English which survived or the way that the Scots-Irish-origin people that make up a large fraction of the population there would have spoken. However, these are both incorrect. Though some of the distinctive words used in Appalachia have their origins in the Anglo-Scottish border region, a more realistic comparison is the way that people in North America would have spoken in the Colonial period.
Researchers have noted that the dialect retains a lot of vocabulary with roots in "Early Modern English" owing to the make-up of the early European settlers to the area.
Charleston
, most famously centering on the cities of Charleston, South Carolina and Savannah, Georgia, once constituted its own entirely unique English dialect region. Traditionally often recognized as a Charleston accent, it included these additional features, most of which no longer exist today:- Cheer–chair merger towards.
- Non-rhoticity.
- A possibility of both variants of Canadian raising:
- * pronounced as something like as, but possibly before a voiceless consonant.
- * pronounced as, but before a voiceless consonant.
- pronounced as in a closed syllable, in an open syllable.
- pronounced as in a closed syllable, in an open syllable.
- pronounced as.
- pronounced as, with possible remnant pronunciations using even older.
- pronounced as, or possibly
- pronounced as or.
Pamlico and Chesapeake
- Rhoticity
- , such as the vowel in the words high tide, retaining its glide and being pronounced beginning further back in the mouth, as or even rounded, often stereotyped as sounding like "hoi toid," giving Pamlico Sound's residents the name "High Tiders."
- is raised to ; is raised to ; and, most prominently, is raised to . This mirrors the second and third stages of the Southern Vowel Shift, despite this particular accent never participating in the very first stage of the shift.
- pronounced as, similar to modern Australian or London English.
- , as in loud, town, scrounge, etc., pronounced with a fronted glide as. Before a voiceless consonant, this same phoneme is.
- , as in chair, square, bear, etc., as.
- Card–cord merger since at least the 1800s in the Delmarva Peninsula.
Piedmont and Tidewater Virginia
- Non-rhoticity.
- A possibility of both variants of Canadian raising:
- * pronounced as, but as before a voiceless consonant.
- * pronounced as something like, but possibly before a voiceless consonant.
- pronounced as.
- pronounced as in certain words, making bake sound like "beck", and afraid like "uh Fred."
- pronounced as or.
- In Tidewater Virginia particularly:
- *The "palm" words and a select few "bath" words pronounced in the mouth and often rounded as. This rounding, combined with non-rhoticity, potentially merge several sets of words, like maw, more, ma, and mar, into a single phoneme.
- *, as in bird, earth, flirt, hurt, word, dirt, etc. pronounced with weakly rhoticity as or the less common non-rhotic variant.
Southern Louisiana
New Orleans English was likely developing in the early 1900s, in large part due to dialect influence from New York City immigrants in New Orleans.
Grammar and vocabulary
- Zero copula in third person plural and second person. This is historically a consequence of R-dropping, with e.g. you're merging with you.
- :You taller than Louise.
- :They gonna leave today.
- Use of the circumfix a-... -in' in progressive tenses.
- :He was a-hootin' and a-hollerin'.
- :The wind was a-howlin'.
- The use of like to to mean nearly; liked to merging into like to
- :I like to had a heart attack.
- The use of the simple past infinitive vs present perfect infinitive.
- : I like to had. vs I like to have had.
- : We were supposed to went. vs We were supposed to have gone.
- Use of "yonder" as a locative in addition to its more widely attested use as an adjective.
- :They done gathered a mess of raspberries in them woods down yonder.
Current projects